| Iraq War | |||||||
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![]() U.S. troops pass by burning oil fields while convoying to Al Jawala, Iraq, during an operation. |
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| Combatants | |||||||
| Insurgent Forces: Mahdi Army Other insurgent groups and militias |
Coalition Forces: Multinational forces in Iraq |
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| Commanders | |||||||
| Strength | |||||||
| Iraqi 375,000+ regular forces Sunni Insurgents 60,000[citation needed] Mahdi Army 60,000[[5]] [4] Badr Organization 4-10,000[citation needed] al Qaeda/others 1,300+[5] |
Coalition 315,000 invasion 147,000 current Contractors ~48,000 Kurds 50,000 (peak) New Iraqi Army 129,760 Iraqi Police 79-140,000 |
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| Casualties | |||||||
| Iraqi military dead (Saddam-era): 4,895-6,370 [6] [7] Insurgents dead: No verifiable tally. [8] [9] |
Iraqi Security Forces dead (post-Saddam era): 12,000+ [10][11]
Iraqi Security Forces wounded: unknown Coalition dead (inc. 3,047 US, 129 UK, 123 other, *647 contractors): 3,902 [12] [13] Coalition Missing or Captured (US 2): 2 Coalition Wounded (inc. 22,951 U.S., 891+ UK, 3,963+ contractors): 27,255 [14] [12] [15] [16] [17] |
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| **Total deaths (all Iraqis) Johns Hopkins: 392,979 - 942,636 [18] [19] War-related and criminal violence deaths (all Iraqis) Iraq Health Minister: War-related and criminal violence deaths (civilians) Iraq Body Count-english language media only: |
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| *Contractors (U.S. government) = "former special forces soldiers to drivers, cooks, mechanics, plumbers, translators, electricians and laundry workers and other support personnel." [13] **Total deaths include all additional deaths due to increased lawlessness, degraded infrastructure, poorer healthcare, etc. For explanations of the wide variation in casualty estimates, see: Casualties of the conflict in Iraq since 2003 |
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| Iraq War |
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| Phases Invasion – Post-invasion (Insurgency – Sectarian War) Engagements (major in bold) Minor Coalition operations |
| Recent wars in the Persian Gulf |
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| Iran-Iraq War – Gulf War – Iraq War |
The Iraq War (March 20, 2003 to present), sometimes known as the Second Gulf War, is an ongoing war that began with the United States-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. The US-led coalition overthrew Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and occupied Iraq, causing ongoing asymmetric warfare with the Iraqi insurgency and the civil war between Sunni and Shia Iraqis.[23] Whether Iraq should be considered part of the American War on Terrorism is debated, although the war was authorized by the U.S. Congress to help "prosecute the war on terrorism" in October 2002.[24] The causes and consequences of the war remain controversial.[25][21][18]
Prior to invasion, the United States, the United Kingdom, and France had been engaged in a low-level conflict with Iraq, by enforcing the two Iraqi no-fly zones in the north and the south of the country. These zones were created following the Persian Gulf War. Iraqi air-defense installations repeatedly targeted American and British air patrols and were often engaged by the coalition aircraft shortly afterwards.
Approximately nine months after the 9/11 attacks, the U.S. initiated Operation Southern Focus as a change to its response strategy, by increasing the overall number of missions and selecting targets throughout the no-fly zones in order to disrupt the military command structure in Iraq. The weight of bombs dropped increased from none in March 2002 and 0.3 in April 2002 to between 8 and 14 tons per month in May-August, reaching a pre-war peak of 54.6 tons in September 2002.
The issue of Iraq's disarmament reached a crisis in 2002-2003, when U.S. President George W. Bush demanded a complete end to alleged Iraqi production and use of weapons of mass destruction and that Iraq comply with UN Resolutions requiring UN inspectors unfettered access to areas those inspectors thought might have weapons production facilities. Iraq had been banned by the United Nations from developing or possessing such weapons since the 1991 Gulf War. It was also required to permit inspections to confirm Iraqi compliance. Bush repeatedly backed demands for unfettered inspection and disarmament with threats of invasion.
In the beginning of the year 2003, the US, UK, and Spanish governments proposed another resolution on Iraq, which they called the "eighteenth resolution" to give Iraq a deadline to comply with previous resolutions before a possible military intervention. This proposed resolution was subsequently withdrawn because not enough countries would have supported it. In particular, the USA usual allies France and Germany, together with Russia were opposed to a military intervention in Iraq and defended a diplomatic process of disarmament. In his most famous interventions at the UN, On January 20 2003, the French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin declared "We think that military intervention would be the worst possible solution".
In March 2003 the US government announced that "diplomacy has failed" and that it would proceed with a coalition of allied countries, named "coalition of the willing", to rid Iraq of its alleged weapons of mass destruction. Iraq's disarmament was supported by a majority of Congress, who passed the Joint Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq on the 11 October 2002. This authorization was used by the Bush Administration as the legal basis for the U.S. to invade Iraq.
On September 16, 2004 Kofi Annan, the Secretary General of the United Nations, speaking on the invasion, said, "I have indicated it was not in conformity with the UN charter. From our point of view, from the charter point of view, it was illegal." [6]
The 2003 invasion of Iraq began on March 20, under the U.S. codename "Operation Iraqi Freedom." The U.K. military's codename for their participation in the invasion was called Operation Telic. The coalition forces cooperated with Kurdish peshmerga forces in the north. Approximately forty other nations, in the U.S. dubbed "coalition of the willing", also participated by providing equipment, services and security as well as special forces. This March 20, 2003, invasion marked the beginning of what is commonly referred to as the Iraq War.
Shortly after the invasion, the multinational coalition created the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) سلطة الائتلاف الموحدة as a transitional government of Iraq until the establishment of a democratic government. Citing UN Security Council Resolution 1483 (2003), and the laws of war, the CPA vested itself with executive, legislative, and judicial authority over the Iraqi government from the period of the CPA's inception on April 21, 2003, until its dissolution on June 28, 2004.
The CPA was originally headed by Jay Garner, a former U.S. military officer, but his appointment lasted for only a brief time. After Garner resigned, President Bush appointed L. Paul Bremer as the head the CPA and he served until the CPA's dissolution in July 2004.
Another group created in the spring of 2003 was the Iraq Survey Group (ISG). This was a fact-finding mission sent by the multinational force in Iraq after the 2003 Invasion of Iraq to find weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs developed by Iraq under the regime of former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. Its final report is commonly called the Duelfer Report. It consisted of a 1,400-member international team organized by The Pentagon and CIA to hunt for suspected stockpiles of WMD, such as chemical and biological agents, and any supporting research programs and infrastructure that could be used to develop WMD. The ISG has been unable to find these.
On May 1, 2003, President Bush staged a dramatic visit to the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln while the ship was a few miles west of San Diego. The Lincoln was on its way home to Everett, Washington from a long deployment which had included service in the Persian Gulf. The visit climaxed at sunset with his now well-known "Mission Accomplished" speech. This nationally-televised speech was delivered before the sailors and airmen on the flight deck. Bush essentially declared victory at this time due to the defeat of Iraq's conventional forces (even though Saddam Hussein was at large and significant pockets of resistance remained).
After Bush's speech in May of 2003, the coalition military noticed a gradually increasing flurry of attacks on their troops in various regions, especially the "Sunni Triangle". In the initial chaos after the fall of the Iraqi government, there was massive looting of infrastructure, including government buildings, official residences, museums, banks, and military depots. According to The Pentagon, 250,000 tons (of 650,000 tons total) of ordnance was looted, providing a significant source of ammunition for the Iraqi insurgency. The hundreds of weapons caches already created by the conventional Iraqi army and Republican Guard further strengthened these looted supplies for the insurgents.
At first the resistance stemmed from fedayeen and loyalists of Saddam Hussein or the Ba'ath Party,[citation needed] but soon religious radicals and Iraqis angered by the occupation contributed to the insurgency. The insurgents are generally known to the Coalition forces as "Anti-Iraqi Forces."
The initial insurgency in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle. This location includes Baghdad. [26] The three provinces that had the highest number of attacks were Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah Ad Din. -Those 3 provinces account for 35% of the population, but are responsible for 73% of U.S. military deaths (as of December 5, 2006), and an even higher percentage of recent U.S. military deaths (about 80%) [27]. This resistance has been described as a type of guerrilla warfare. Insurgent tactics include mortars, missiles, suicide bombers, snipers (cf. Juba, the Baghdad Sniper), improvised explosive devices (IEDs), roadside bombs, car bombs, small arms fire (usually with assault rifles), and RPGs (rocket-propelled grenades), as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure.
The post-invasion environment began after the Hussein regime had been overthrown. It centers on Coalition and U.N. efforts to establish a stable democratic state capable of defending itself[28], holding itself together [29] as well as overcoming insurgent attacks and internal divisions.
Coalition military forces launched several operations around Tigris River peninsula and in the Sunni Triangle. A series of similar operations were launched throughout the summer in the Sunni Triangle. Toward the end of 2003, the intensity and pace of insurgent attacks began to increase. A sharp surge in guerrilla attacks ushered in an insurgent effort that was termed the "Ramadan Offensive", as it coincided with the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Coalition forces brought to bear the use of air power for the first time since the end of the invasion. Suspected ambush sites and mortar launching positions struck from the air and with artillery fire. Surveillance of major routes, patrols, and raids on suspected insurgents were stepped up. In addition, two villages, including Saddam’s birthplace of al-Auja and the small town of Abu Hishma were wrapped in barbed wire and carefully monitored.
However, the failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption, and decaying infrastructure had left major cities functioning at much-reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council. On July 2 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would remain in Iraq in spite of the attacks, challenging the insurgents with "My answer is, bring 'em on", a line the President later expressed misgivings about having used. [30] In the summer of 2003, the multinational forces also focused on hunting down the remaining leaders of the former regime. On July 22, 2003, during a raid by the U.S. 101st Airborne Division and soldiers from Task Force 20, Saddam Hussein's sons (Uday and Qusay) and one of his grandsons were killed. In all, over 300 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel.
In the wave of intelligence information fueling the raids on remaining Ba'ath Party members connected to insurgency, Saddam Hussein himself was captured on December 13 2003 on a farm near Tikrit in Operation Red Dawn. The operation was conducted by the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task Force 121.
With the capture of Saddam and a drop in the number of insurgent attacks, some concluded the multinational forces were prevailing in the fight against the insurgency. With the weather growing cooler, Coalition forces were able to operate in full armor which reduced their casualty rate.[citation needed] The provisional government began training the New Iraqi Security forces intended to defend the country, and the United States promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Of this, less than half a billion dollars had been spent in 10 months after it had been promised.[citation needed] Oil revenues were also used for rebuilding schools and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure.
Shortly after the capture of Saddam, elements left out of the Coalition Provisional Authority began to agitate for elections and the formation of an Iraqi Interim Government. Most prominent among these was the Shia cleric Ali al-Sistani. The Coalition Provisional Authority opposed allowing democratic elections at this time, preferring instead to eventually hand-over power to the Interim Iraqi Government. [31]. Due to the internal fight for power in the new Iraqi government more insurgents stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad(Sadr City) to Basra in the south.
The start of 2004 was marked by a relative lull in violence. Insurgent forces reorganized during this time, studying the multinational forces' tactics and planning a renewed offensive. Guerrilla attacks were less intense. However, in late 2004 foreign fighters from around the Middle East as well as al-Qaeda in Iraq (an affiliated al-Qaeda group), led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi would help to drive the insurgency.
As the insurgent activity increased, there was a distinct change in targeting from the coalition forces towards the new Iraqi Security Forces, as hundreds of Iraqi civilians and police were killed over the next few months in a series of massive bombings. One hypothesis for these increased bombings is that the relevance of Saddam Hussein and his followers was diminishing in direct proportion to the influence of radical Islamists, both foreign and Iraqi. An organized Sunni insurgency, with deep roots and both nationalist and Islamist motivations, was becoming more powerful throughout Iraq. The Mahdi Army also began launching attacks on coalition targets in an attempt to seize control from Iraqi security forces. The southern and central portions of Iraq were beginning to erupt in urban guerrilla combat as multinational forces attempted to keep control and prepared for a counteroffensive.
The coalition and the Coalition Provisional Authority decided to face the growing insurgency with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque that had become the focal point for the Mahdi Army and its activities.
On March 31, 2004 - Iraqi insurgents in Fallujah ambushed a convoy containing four American private military contractors from Blackwater USA who were conducting delivery for food caterers ESS[32]
The four armed contractors, Scott Helvenston, Jerko Zovko, Wesley Batalona and Michael Teague, were dragged from their cars, beaten, and set ablaze. Their burned corpses were then dragged through the streets before being hung over a bridge crossing the Euphrates.[33]
Photos of the event were released to news agencies worldwide, causing a great deal of indignation and moral outrage in the United States, and prompting the announcement of a upcoming "pacification" of the city.
After this incident, the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force began plans to re-establish a coalition presence in Fallujah. On April 4, the multinational forces began assaults to clear Fallujah of insurgents. On April 9, the multinational force allowed more than 70,000 women, children and elderly residents to leave the besieged city, reportedly also allowing males of military age to leave. Meanwhile, insurgents were taking advantage of the lull in combat to prepare defenses for a second assault. On April 10, the military declared a unilateral truce to allow for humanitarian supplies to enter Fallujah. Troops pulled back to the outskirts of the city; local leaders reciprocated the ceasefire, although lower-level intense fighting on both sides continued. During the assault, U.S. forces used white phosphorus as one of the weapons on the insurgents. This use of a chemical weapon attracted controversy.
When the Iraqi Governing Council protested against the U.S. assault to retake Fallujah, the U.S. military halted its efforts. In the April battle for Fallujah, Coalition troops killed about 600 insurgents and a number of civilians, while 40 Americans died and hundreds were wounded in a fierce battle. The Marines were ordered to stand-down and cordon off the city, maintaining a perimeter around Fallujah. A compromise was reached in order to ensure security within Fallujah itself by creating the local "Fallujah Brigade". While the Marines attacking had a clear advantage in ground firepower and air support, LtGen Conway decided to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Ba'athist general in complete charge of the town's security. The Fallujah Brigade's responsibility was to secure Fallujah and put a stop to insurgent mortar attacks on the nearby U.S. Marine bases. This compromise soon fell apart and insurgent attacks returned, causing Marine commanders to begin preparations for a second attack in the coming fall. By the end of the spring uprising, the cities of Fallujah, Samarra, Baquba, and Ramadi had been left under guerrilla control with coalition patrols in the cities at a minimum.[citation needed]
Meanwhile, the fighting continued in the Shiite south, and Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. United States Marines were then shifted there to put down the overt rebellion and proceeded to rout Muqtada al-Sadr's Shiite militia. In all, April, May and early June saw more fighting. Over the next three months, the multinational forces took back the southern cities. Also, various insurgent leaders entered into negotiations with the provisional government to lay down arms and enter the political process.
On June 28, 2004, the Coalition Provisional Authority transferred the "sovereignty" of Iraq to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. However, fighting continued in the form of the Iraqi insurgency. The new government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, had led to delays. Militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr took control of Najaf and, after negotiations broke down, the government asked the United States for help dislodging him.
Through the months of July and August, a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imam Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by Grand Ayatollah Sistani in late August.
The First Battle of Fallujah in April 2004 created an area of extreme instability and a de facto insurgent safe zone. After several months of this situation, in November 2004 coalition forces attacked and successfully captured Fallujah in the Second Battle of Fallujah. This battle resulted in the reputed death of over 5,000 insurgent fighters. The U.S. Marines (the main coalition force in combat) also took substantial casualties with 95 dead and around 500 wounded in action. According to local sources, hundreds of civilians were also killed and much of the city was destroyed in the battle.
On January 31, an election for a government to draft a permanent constitution took place. Although some violence and lack of widespread Sunni Arab participation marred the event, most of the eligible Kurd and Shia populace participated. On February 4, Paul Wolfowitz announced that 15,000 U.S. troops whose tours of duty had been extended in order to provide election security would be pulled out of Iraq by the next month. [34]February, March and April proved to be relatively peaceful months compared to the carnage of November and January, with insurgent attacks averaging 30 a day from the prior average of 70.
Hopes for a quick end to an insurgency and a withdrawal of U.S. troops were dashed at the advent of May, Iraq's bloodiest month since the invasion by U.S. forces in March and April of 2003. Suicide bombers, believed to be mainly disheartened Iraqi Sunni Arabs, Syrians and Saudis, tore through Iraq. Their targets were often Shia gatherings or civilian concentrations mainly of Shias. As a result, over 700 Iraqi civilians died in that month, as well as 79 U.S. soldiers.
During early and mid-May, the U.S. also launched Operation Matador, an assault by around 1,000 Marines in the ungoverned region of western Iraq. Its goal was the closing of suspected insurgent supply routes of volunteers and material from Syria, and with the fight they received their assumption proved correct. Fighters armed with flak jackets (unseen in the insurgency before this time) and using sophisticated tactics met the Marines, eventually inflicting 31 U.S. casualties by the operation's end, and suffering 125 casualties themselves. The Marines were unable to recapture the region due to their limited numbers and the continual insurgent IED attacks and ambushes. The operation continued all the way to the Syrian border, where they were forced to stop (Syrian residents living near the border heard the American bombs very clearly during the operation). The vast majority of these armed and trained insurgents quickly dispersed before the U.S. could bring the full force of its firepower on them, as it did in Fallujah.
On August 14, 2005 the Washington Post [35] quoted one anonymous U.S. senior official expressing that "the United States no longer expects to see a model new democracy, a self-supporting oil industry or a society in which the majority of people are free from serious security or economic challenges... 'What we expected to achieve was never realistic given the timetable or what unfolded on the ground'". On September 22, 2005, Prince Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, said that he had warned the Bush administration in recent days that Iraq was hurtling toward disintegration, and that the election planned for December was unlikely to make any difference. [36] U. S. officials immediately made statements rejecting this belief [37].
Following the ratification of the Constitution of Iraq on October 15 2005, a general election was held on 15 December to elect a permanent 275-member Iraqi National Assembly.
The beginning of 2006 was marked by government creation talks, growing sectarian violence, and continuous anti-coalition attacks. The United Nations has recently described the environment in Iraq as a "civil war-like situation."[38] A 2006 study by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health has estimated that more than 601,000 Iraqis have died in violence since the U.S. invasion and that fewer than one third of these deaths came at the hands of Coalition forces.[39] The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Iraqi government estimate that more than 365,000 Iraqis have been displaced since the bombing of the al-Askari Mosque, bringing the total number of Iraqi refugees to more than 1.6 million.[40]
On February 22 2006, at 6:55 a.m. local time (0355 UTC) two bombs were set off by five to seven men dressed as personnel of the Iraqi Special forces who entered the Al Askari Mosque during the morning. Explosions occurred at the mosque, effectively destroying its golden dome and severely damaging the mosque. Several men, one wearing a military uniform, had earlier entered the mosque, tied up the guards there and set explosives, resulting in the blast.
Shiites across Iraq expressed their anger by destroying Sunni mosques and killing dozens. Religious leaders of both sides called for calm amid fears this could erupt into a long-feared Sunni-Shia civil war in Iraq.
On March 2 the director of the Baghdad morgue fled Iraq explaining, "7,000 people have been killed by death squads in recent months." [41] The Boston Globe reported that around eight times the number of Iraqis killed by terrorist bombings during March 2006 were killed by sectarian death squads during the same period. A total of 1,313 were killed by sectarian militias while 173 were killed by suicide bombings.[42] The LA Times later reported that about 3,800 Iraqis were killed by sectarian violence in Baghdad alone during the first three months of 2006.[43] During April 2006, morgue numbers showed that 1,091 Baghdad residents were killed by sectarian executions.[44] Insurgencies, frequent terrorist attacks and sectarian violence led to harsh criticism of U.S. Iraq policy and fears of a failing state and civil war. The concerns were expressed by several U.S. think tanks [45] [46] [47] [48] as well as the U.S. ambassador to Iraq, Zalmay Khalilzad. [49]
In early 2006, a handful of high-ranking retired generals began to demand United States Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's resignation due in part to the aforementioned chaos that resulted from his management of the war.
The current government of Iraq took office on May 20, 2006 following approval by the members of the Iraqi National Assembly. This followed the general election in December 2005. The government succeeded the Iraqi Transitional Government which had continued in office in a caretaker capacity until the new government was agreed.
In September 2006, The Washington Post reported that the commander of the Marine forces in Iraq filed "an unusual secret report" concluding that the prospects for securing the Anbar province are dim, and that there is almost nothing the U.S. military can do to improve the political and social situation there. [50]
Iraq was listed fourth on the 2006 Failed States Index compiled by the American Foreign Policy magazine and the Fund for Peace think-tank. The list was topped by Sudan. [51] [52]
As of October 20 the U.S military announced that operation Together Forward had failed to stem the tide of violence in Baghdad, and Shiite Militants Under al-Sadr seized several southern Iraq Cities[53].
On November 7, 2006, United States elections removed George W. Bush's Republican Party from control of both the United States House and the Senate. The failings in the Iraq war was cited as one of the main causes for these election results. [citation needed]
On November 8, 2006, Donald Rumsfeld tendered his resignation as United States Secretary of Defense. President George W. Bush then appointed former CIA chief Robert Gates to replace him.
On November 23, 2006 the deadliest attack since the beginning of the Iraq war occurred. According to The Associated Press, suspected Sunni-Arab militants used five suicide car bombs and two mortar rounds on the capital's Shiite Sadr City slum to kill at least 215 people and wound 257 on Thursday. Shiite mortar teams quickly retaliated, firing 10 shells at Sunni Islam's most important shrine in Baghdad, badly damaging the Abu Hanifa mosque and killing one person. Eight more rounds slammed down near the offices of the Association of Muslim Scholars, the top Sunni Muslim organization in Iraq, setting nearby houses on fire. Two other mortar barrages on Sunni neighborhoods in west Baghdad killed nine and wounded 21, police said late Thursday.[54]
| Articles related to the Iraq War |
see also : Military occupation
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A bipartisan report by the Iraq Study Group was released on December 6th, 2006. The group was led by former secretary of state James Baker and former Democratic congressman Lee Hamilton, and concludes that "the situation in Iraq is grave and deteriorating" and "U.S. forces seem to be caught in a mission that has no foreseeable end." The report's 79 recommendations include increasing diplomatic measures with Iran and Syria and intensifying efforts to train Iraqi troops. On December 18th, a Pentagon report finds that attacks on Americans and Iraqis average about 960 a week, the highest since the reports began in 2005. [55].
Coalition forces formally transferred control of a province to the Iraqi government. The shift is the first of its kind since the war began. Military prosecutors charged 8 Marines with the deaths of 24 Iraqi civilians in Haditha that allegedly occured in November 2005. Ten of the casualties were reported to be women and children. Four officers were also charged with dereliction of duty in relation to the event.[56] Saddam Hussein, captured in December 2003, was hanged on December 30th, 2006 after being found guilty of crimes against humanity. [57] President Bush works to find "a new way forward" for the new year, following the prior month's resignation of Donald Rumsfeld. Some speculate that a shift in American policy in Iraq is forthcoming.
Following the 2006 United States midterm elections where the Republicans lost control of the United States Congress, the Bush administration attempted to distance itself from its earlier "stay the course" rhetoric [7], and responded to the December 6 Iraq Study Group report's recommendations. [citation needed]
After Eid ul-Adha, several events occurred, including the 3000th U.S. military death in Iraq and the swearing in of Nancy Pelosi (a Democrat) as the Speaker of the House.
In the first week of January, several retirements and personnel changes occurred: [8]
On January 10, 2007 President Bush addressed the United States and Proposed increase in the number of troops in Iraq. In his speech, he made references to changes to be made, including a surge of 21,500 more troops for Iraq, a job program for Iraqis, more reconstruction proposals, and 1.2 billion dollars for these programs. "Asked why he thought his plan would work this time, Bush said: "Because it has to.""[9]
There is speculation as to what course the U.S. would pursue if this escalation or surge does not succeed. The current phrase of alternative strategy is Plan B. Juan Williams stated, January 15, 2007, on WNYC's Brian Lehrer Show that Plan B involved removing Maliki and replacing him with someone more amenable to the US's objectives. [58] In April, 2006 a Council on Foreign Relations staff writer listed several possible Plan B scenarios. [10]
(Note: This section is used to track various developing events incrementally, by citing materials around the web. This section is not to meant supplant the capsulizations of major events, in the "Timeline" section above. Occasionally, the two sections may overlap, but this should not be considered an error.)
In late 2006, US officials attempted to pursue negotiations with insurgents in secret talks. These were reported by various news sources to have broken down, though there were no official statements. [59]
In December 2006, in an unusual sign of progress, officials of various Shiite parties formed a coalition favoring reconciliation, and met with Ayatollah Al-Sistani, spiritual head of Iraq's Shiite community, to seek his approval for this effort. [60]
Moqtada Al-Sadr, a leader of a Shiite group, did not initially join this coalition, but did consider participating. [61] Sadr eventually decided to join the coalition. [62] This opened the possibility that Sadr's group would return to the Iraqi government, a seeming setback for US interests. However, officials of the Shiite coalition asserted that their goal was to assert reconciliation, stability and the rule of law, and that private armies would not be continued once the Shiite coalition produced some stability. [63]
On December 20, US forces turned over control and responsibility for the Najaf Province, in Southern Iraq, to Iraqi police and military forces. [64] In Basra, a planned handover was delayed due to security concerns. However, efforts continued to rebuild local Iraqis' ability to protect themselves. Local sheiks played a leading role in this effort, and relied on the help of the British, whom they termed Abu Naji (the father of salvation). [65]
On December 22, British troops in Basra staged a raid, and seized Iraqi police who were accused of attacking other police officers. [66]
In December 2006, some Sunni tribal leaders stated that they were fighting Al-Qaeda insurgents. Other tribal leaders, however, considered insurgents to be legitimate resistance fighters. [67]
The United Nations has also deployed a small contingent to Iraq.
United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq (UNAMI)
When the ruling Ba'ath party organization disintegrated after the fall of the Iraqi government, elements of the secret police and Republican Guard formed guerrilla units, since some had simply gone home rather than openly fight the multinational forces. Many of these smaller units formed the center of the initial anti-coalition insurgency, based primarily around the cities of Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah. These guerrilla units were the precursor to the eventual formation of what came to be known as the Iraqi insurgency, or those Iraqis and foreigners who attacked coalition or government forces.
More recently in late 2005 and 2006, due to increasing sectarian violence based on either tribal/ethnic distinctions or simply due to increased criminal violence, there has been the formation of various militias. Many of these militias have been formed in response to violent acts committed on the basis of the Shia/Sunni distinction, with whole neighborhoods and cities sometimes being protected or attacked by ethnic or neighborhood militias.[citation needed]
The insurgents and guerrilla units favored attacking unarmored vehicles and avoiding major battles. The early Iraqi insurgency was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by the Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle which includes Baghdad. The insurgents dead are numbered between 45-60,000. [68]
By the fall of 2003, these insurgent groups began using typical guerrilla tactics such as ambushes, bombings, kidnappings, and improvised explosive devices. Other tactics included mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure. Multi-national Force-Iraq statistics (see detailed BBC graphic) show that the insurgents primarily targeted coalition forces, Iraqi security forces and infrastructure, and lastly civilians and government officials. These irregular forces favored attacking unarmored or lightly armored Humvee vehicles, the U.S. military's primary transport vehicle, primarily through the roadside IED.[69] [70] In November 2003, some of these forces successfully attacked U.S. rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market.[citation needed] Insurgent groups such as the al-Abud Network have even attempted to constitute their own chemical weapons programs, attempting to weaponize traditional mortar rounds with ricin and mustard toxin. [71]
There is evidence that some guerrilla groups are organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign fighters. [72] On February 23, 2005 Al-Iraqiya TV (Iraq) aired transcripts of confessions by Syrian intelligence officer Anas Ahmad Al-Issa and Iraqi insurgent Shihab Al-Sab'awi concerning their booby-trap operations, explosions, kidnappings, assassinations, and details of beheading training in Syria. [73] The insurgents are known by the Coalition military (especially in the United States armed forces) as Anti-Iraqi Forces (AIF). [74] [75]
One insurgent, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, was killed on June 7 2006 in the town of Baquba, north of Baghdad, when U.S. warplanes dropped two 500-pound bombs on his isolated safe house. [76] Zarqawi, a Jordanian, did not fit the usual profile of an Iraqi insurgent and had closer ties to the al Qaeda terrorist organization. Still, President George W. Bush said the killing was "a severe blow to al-Qaida and it is a significant victory in the war on terror" but cautioned: "We have tough days ahead of us in Iraq that will require the continuing patience of the American people."[77]
Despite Zarqawi's death Al-Qaeda in Iraq vowed to continue its "holy war", according to a statement posted on a Web site announcing: "We want to give you the joyous news of the martyrdom of the mujahed sheik Abu Musab al-Zarqawi."[77] Zarqawi's death may have had little impact on the violence since evidence of continued violence in Iraq could still be seen in the month of June with over 1,600 Iraqi deaths that month, the highest monthly total to date since the Al Askari Mosque bombing. [78]
In addition to internal strife, Iran may be playing a role in the insurgency. U.S. Army Brig. Gen. Michael Barbero said, "Iran is definitely a destabilizing force in Iraq," Barbero said. "I think it's irrefutable that Iran is responsible for training, funding and equipping some of these Shia extremist groups."[citation needed]
Two of the most powerful current militias are the Mahdi Army and the Badr Organization, with both militias having substantial political support as well in the current Iraqi government. Initially, both organizations were involved in the Iraqi insurgency, most clearly seen with the Mahdi Army at the Battle of Najaf. However in recent months, there has been a split between the two groups.
This violent break between Muqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi Army and the rival Badr Organization of Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, was seen in the fighting in the town of Amarah on October 20, 2006, would severely complicate the efforts of Iraqi and American officials to quell the soaring violence in Iraq. [79]
The war in Iraq was originally justified as part of the U.S.-led War on Terrorism. Specifically, the Bush Administration argued that Saddam Hussein had ties to al-Qaeda, and that his overthrow would lead to democratization in the Middle East, decreasing terrorism overall.[citation needed] The alleged ties between Saddam and al-Qaeda were never confirmed, however, and numerous reports of intelligence agencies investigating the matter -- including several reports of the CIA, the U.S. State Department, the FBI, and the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, as well as the investigations of foreign intelligence agencies -- concluded that no evidence had been found supporting an operational connection between Saddam and al-Qaeda. The New York Times commented in September 2006 on the conclusions of the bipartisan Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, "there is no evidence that Saddam Hussein had prewar ties to Al Qaeda and one of the terror organization’s most notorious members, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi." [80][81]
However, al-Qaeda leaders have seen the Iraq war as a boon to their recruiting and operational efforts, providing both evidence to jihadists worldwide that America is at war with Islam, and the training ground for a new generation of jihadists to practice attacks on American forces. In October 2003, Osama bin Laden announced: "Be glad of the good news: America is mired in the swamps of the Tigris and Euphrates. Bush is, through Iraq and its oil, easy prey. Here is he now, thank God, in an embarrassing situation and here is America today being ruined before the eyes of the whole world."[82] Al-Qaeda commander Seif al-Adl gloated about the war in Iraq, indicating, "The Americans took the bait and fell into our trap."[83] A letter thought to be from al-Qaeda leader Atiyah Abd al-Rahman found in Iraq among the rubble where al-Zarqawi was killed and released by the U.S. military in October 2006, indicated that al-Qaeda perceived the war as beneficial to its goals: "The most important thing is that the jihad continues with steadfastness ... indeed, prolonging the war is in our interest."[84]
In the years since the war began, a consensus has developed among intelligence experts that the Iraq war has increased terrorism. Counterterrorism expert Rohan Gunaratna frequently referred to the invasion of Iraq as a "fatal mistake"[85] that had greatly increased terrorism in the Middle East. London's conservative International Institute for Strategic Studies concluded in 2004 that the occupation of Iraq had become "a potent global recruitment pretext" for jihadists and that the invasion "galvanized" al-Qaeda and "perversely inspired insurgent violence" there.[86] The U.S. National Intelligence Council concluded in a January 2005 report that the war in Iraq had become a breeding ground for a new generation of terrorists; David B. Low, the national intelligence officer for transnational threats, indicated that the report concluded that the war in Iraq provided terrorists with "a training ground, a recruitment ground, the opportunity for enhancing technical skills... There is even, under the best scenario, over time, the likelihood that some of the jihadists who are not killed there will, in a sense, go home, wherever home is, and will therefore disperse to various other countries." The Council's Chairman Robert L. Hutchings said, "At the moment, Iraq is a magnet for international terrorist activity."[87] And the 2006 National Intelligence Estimate, which outlined the considered judgment of all 16 U.S. intelligence agencies, held that "The Iraq conflict has become the 'cause celebre' for jihadists, breeding a deep resentment of US involvement in the Muslim world and cultivating supporters for the global jihadist movement."[88]
See the above main article for much more info, and for casualty numbers for coalition nations, contractors, non-Iraqi civilians, journalists, media helpers, aid workers, wounded, etc.. The main article also gives explanations for the wide variation in estimates and counts, and shows many ways in which undercounting occurs. Casualty figures, especially Iraqi ones, are highly disputed. This section gives a brief overview. "There are now at least 8 independent estimates of the number or rate of deaths induced by the invasion of Iraq." [89] [90]
The icasualties.org [12] website reports the death toll since the invasion in March 2003 as being 3,047 American lives (as of January 20, 2007). There have been a further 252 deaths among the troops of other coalition nations: Australia 2. Bulgaria 13. Denmark 6. El Salvador 5. Estonia 2. Hungary 1. Italy 33. Kazakhstan 1. Latvia 3. Netherlands 2. Poland 18. Romania 2. Slovakia 4. Spain 11. Thailand 2. Ukraine 18. United Kingdom 129. [91] [12]
Estimates of Iraqi deaths are highly disputed. In December 2005 President Bush said there were 30,000 Iraqi dead as a guess. CNN wrote: "White House spokesman Scott McClellan later said Bush was basing his statement on media reports, 'not an official government estimate.' " [92] U.S. General Tommy Franks reportedly estimated soon after the invasion that there had been 30,000 Iraqi casualties as of April 9, 2003.[93] After that he made no estimate of death tolls in Iraq. In March 2002 in Afghanistan at a news conference at Bagram Air Base, General Tommy Franks had famously said, "we don't do body counts." [94] [95]
The United Nations reported that 34,452 violent civilian deaths occurred in 2006, based on data from morgues, hospitals, and municipal authorities across Iraq. [96] [97]
For 2006, a January 2, 2007 Associated Press article reports: "The tabulation by the Iraqi ministries of Health, Defence and Interior, showed that 14,298 civilians, 1,348 police and 627 soldiers had been killed in the violence that raged across the country last year. The Associated Press figure, gleaned from daily news reports from Baghdad, arrived at a total of 13,738 deaths." [98] The Australian reports in a January 2, 2007 article: "A figure of 3700 civilian deaths in October [2006], the latest tally given by the UN based on data from the Health Ministry and the Baghdad morgue, was branded exaggerated by the Iraqi Government." [99] Iraqi government estimates include "people killed in bombings and shootings but not deaths classed as 'criminal'." Also, they "include no deaths among the many civilians wounded in attacks who may die later from wounds. Nor do they include many people kidnapped whose fate remains unknown." [99]
In comparison, the Iraq Body Count project states for the week ending Dec. 31, 2006 [100]: "It was a truly violent year, as around 24,000 civilians lost their lives in Iraq. This was a massive rise in violence: 14,000 had been killed in 2005, 10,500 in 2004 and just under 12,000 in 2003 (7,000 of them killed during the actual war, while only 5,000 killed during the ‘peace’ that followed in May 2003). In December 2006 alone around 2,800 civilians were reported killed. This week there were over 560 civilian deaths reported."
An independent method for estimating the number of Iraq dead is by using national surveys of mortality. A study in The Lancet estimates 654,965 Iraqi deaths (with a range of 392,979 to 942,636) from March 2003 to July 2006, using this methodology [18] [19]. That total number of deaths (civilian and non-civilian) includes all excess deaths due to increased lawlessness, degraded infrastructure, poor healthcare, etc, and includes civilians, military deaths and insurgent deaths. This result was disputed by Bush based both on the number of deaths and the methodology [101].
In December 2006, the report of the Iraq Study Group (ISG) found that the United States has filtered out reports of violence in order to disguise its policy failings in Iraq [102]. The ISG found that U.S. officials reported 93 attacks or significant acts of violence on one day in July 2006, yet "a careful review of the reports for that single day brought to light more than 1,100 acts of violence."
A November 11, 2006 Los Angeles Times article reports: [103]
As of November 4, 2006, the U.N. High Commissioner on Refugees estimated that 1.8 million Iraqis had been displaced to neighboring countries, and 1.6 million were displaced internally, with nearly 100,000 Iraqis fleeing to Syria and Jordan each month. [104]
As of September 29 2006, over $379 billion has been allocated by the U.S. Congress for the Iraq war [105]. Over $355 billion has been spent as of January 4, 2007 [106].
The current rate of U.S. expenditure in Iraq is approximately $6.4 billion a month. [109]
Joseph Stiglitz, former chief economist of the World Bank and winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics, has suggested the total costs of the Iraq War on the US economy will be $1 trillion in a conservative scenario and could top $2 trillion in a moderate one.[110] The Congressional Research Service recently estimated weekly spending at almost $2 billion per week, and that total expenditures have now topped half a trillion dollars.[111] Additionally, the extended combat and equipment loss have placed a severe financial strain on the U.S Army, causing the elimination of non-essential expenses such as travel and civilian hiring.[112] [113]
Data from the Office of Management and Budget shows that the discretionary defense spending is 20% of government outlays,[114] and the CIA World Factbook lists a 2005 estimate of U.S. military expenditure as 4.06% of GDP (the 26th position in a listing of 167 countries). Other figures, however, show that the total defense expenditures (Department of Defense, Homeland Security and War on Terror) amount to $563 billion, which represents 56% of the nation's discretionary budget [115] and 47% of the world military spending.[116]
As of March 2006, approximately £4.5 billion had been spent by the United Kingdom in Iraq. All of this money has come from a government fund called the "Special Reserve" which has a current allocation of £6.44 billion. [117]
It is not known how much more money has been spent by other members of the coalition; however, the US's share of the cost is by far the largest.
In addition to the human casualties suffered in the war, the U.S. has also lost a number of pieces of military equipment. This total is approximate and includes those vehicles lost in non-combat-related accidents. Recently, the Army has said that the cost of replacing its depleted equipment has tripled from that of 2005. [118] As of December 2006, according to government data reported by the Washington Post, On December 5 2006, the military stated that nearly 40% of the army’s total equipment has been lost in Iraq, with an estimated yearly replacement cost of $US 17 billion. Furthermore the military states that the replacement cost has increased by a factor of ten compared to that of the pre-war state.[119]
Combat losses: Land equipment[120]
Combat losses: Air equipment[120]
A growing number of citizens in coalition nations have urged their governments to withdraw from Iraq. Supporters of withdrawal argue that the Iraq war is unwinnable, has no purpose, has parallels with the Vietnam war, [123] [124] has a huge financial cost, as well as the loss of innocent human life, and will be ended by a withdrawal of troops. Another consideration is the destabilization to the Middle East region that may occur as a consequence of the sudden departure of the United States military.[citation needed] Given the strained relations between the United States and Iraq's neighbor, Iran, and considering the powerful influence of Iran among Iraq's Shi'a Muslim community, some people [Please name specific person] fear that Iraq is going to convert into a fundamentalist-lead client state of Iran. The civil strife between the Sunni and Shi'a communities, as well as Kurdish hopes of establishing an independent state of Kurdistan in northern Iraq, could lead to a full-scale civil war.[citation needed]
U.S. military strategy in Iraq has drawn criticism from a number of different circles. Military historian Martin van Creveld, a professor at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, has called the Iraq war "the most foolish war since Emperor Augustus in 9 BC sent his legions into Germany and lost them."[125]
There is also a large amount of criticism from people who support the war but criticize the current military strategy, believing that the current strategy causes unnecessary deaths and injuries of coalition and Iraqi troops, as well as civilian contractors, and does not adequately meet the insurgent threat.[citation needed] Included within this is the criticism that, if the military strategy were much more effective, then there would be much more support for the war among the people of the coalition countries, especially the United States.[citation needed] In a classified memo to the current administration, former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld recently revealed that he believed the current stategy in Iraq was not working and was in need of change.[126]
Many specific strategic criticisms have been made by various individuals and publications. Some major criticisms include:
Concerns have been raised of insufficiently critical coverage of the activities of U.S. forces in Iraq. In December 2006, the report of the Iraq Study Group (ISG) found that the United States has filtered out reports of violence in order to disguise its policy failings in Iraq [102]. The ISG found that U.S. officials reported 93 attacks or significant acts of violence on one day in July 2006, yet "a careful review of the reports for that single day brought to light more than 1,100 acts of violence".
It has been reported in European media, including countries involved in operations in Iraq, that a minority[citation needed] of American soldiers and marines in Iraq have behaved irresponsibly in Iraq, causing unnecessary deaths of civilians. At the same time, many believe that U.S. forces have come under little U.S. media scrutiny.[citation needed] Even in the most extreme cases, such as the Haditha massacre, U.S. media coverage has been considerably less than in European countries such as the United Kingdom.[citation needed]
The killing of Nicola Calipari by an American soldier, which Italian prosecutors are now classifying as murder, received U.S. media coverage because the victim was an Italian Major-General. This incident fits a pattern, suggested by most of the mainstream European media (especially in the British Guardian newspaper and the French Le Monde newspaper), of widespread unprovoked fatal incidents. [citation needed] Another cited example is the killing of British reporter Terry Lloyd, who was found by the coroner to have been unlawfully killed by U.S. marines in Iraq [131]. The Independent on Sunday (15 October 2006) suggested that this death was the result of U.S. soldiers' hostility to his decision to report independently rather than being "embedded "with coalition forces."
Officials in the Bush Administration have claimed that the media overemphasizes negative stories and does not report the positive developments in Iraq with the same vigor.[verification needed] Both The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal published more than double as many negative headlines as positive on the Iraq War between May 2003 and May 2006, while NBC News and ABC News televised an even higher proportion of negative headlines in the same period.[132] Critics have long questioned the reliance of the major media outlets on Iraqi "stringers" with suspected ties to insurgent groups and terrorists as a source of information -- discounting the versions of events as explained by the coalition and the Iraqi government.[Please name specific person] For example, on November 24, 2006, the AP distributed a story from one of their stringers, sourced by an Iraqi Police officer named Jamil Hussein, of four mosques being burned to the ground along with the deaths of six Sunni worshipers who were doused in kerosene and burnt alive. The Iraqi Ministry of the Interior reports that there is a captain Hussein and that he faces prosecution for leaking sensitive information [133]. Currently, the AP stands by this story because they have used Jamil Hussein as a source for over two years. However, the AP reports filed by Jamil Hussein are invariably stories of atrocities committed by Shiites against Sunnis.[Please name specific person]
Throughout the entire Iraq war there have been numerous human rights abuses on all sides of the conflict.
WARNING: These links have graphic content depicting a decapitation; some of the most publicized abuses include:
There have been reported human rights abuses by some of the thousands of private military contractors working in Iraq. The most famous incident involving contractors was the Abu Ghraib incident.
A 2005 Human Rights Watch report analysed the insurgency in Iraq and highlighted, "The groups that are most responsible for the abuse, namely al-Qaeda in Iraq, Ansar al-Sunna and the Islamic Army in Iraq, have all targeted civilians for abductions and executions. The first two groups have repeatedly boasted about massive car bombs and suicide bombs in mosques, markets, bus stations and other civilian areas. Such acts are war crimes and in some cases may constitute crimes against humanity, which are defined as serious crimes committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population."[135]
The Iraqi insurgents and other groups such as Al-Qaeda in Iraq and Ansar al-Islam are responsible for numerous abuses and killings, including:
Other abuses have been blamed on the new Iraqi government, including: